Reforming the Cockatoo Bureau of Investigation, aka CBI

Of all the acronyms that Indian public associate with investigation, CBI (Central Bureau of Investigation) is the most common. However, if its functioning is anything to go by, the motto ‘Industry, Impartiality, Integrity’ would be one of the longest-running jokes in the history of the country.

Over the decades, the agency that was originally established to tackle corruption and serious crimes meriting attention of the Central government has been turned into a tool of political coercion and vendetta. Any political leader, business house and organisation that fell foul of the ruling establishment have learned this the hard way.

Once the era of coalitions began at the Centre, the CBI has been used extensively for arm-twisting allies and opponents. There is hardly any major party that has not borne the brunt of this. One day you find the CBI filing cases, chargesheets and talking about ‘clinching evidence’ against a political leader, but once he/she yields to the demands of the Centre the process reverts to snail’s pace.

The investigative agency’s diligent efforts played a crucial role in the success of the ‘carrot and stick’ policy that has made Lalu Prasad Yadav of RJD, Mayawati of BSP, Jayalalithaa of AIADMK and Mulayam Singh Yadav of the SP die-hard supporters of the Congress-led government at the Centre.

“It’s not easy to fight with the government. It has a thousand hands and can use the CBI and put one in jail,” said Mulayam recently. A disproportionate assets case against him and his son has been under investigation by the CBI since 2007 — and he has been a loyal UPA fan ever since.

The exemption to the CBI from the Right to Information (RTI) Act has made it virtually impossible for any independent verification of the legality in its manner of functioning.

Angered by the CBI allowing the PMO and law ministry to make changes to its investigation report on the infamous ‘Coalgate’ scam, the Supreme Court admonished the country’s premier investigating agency for acting shamelessly as a ‘caged parrot’ that repeats after its master — the Central government.

At least two former CBI directors have conceded in interviews that the agency was subject to political influence. Former CBI chief Joginder Singh has gone on the record to say that he was forced out after refusing to be the government’s stick in the Fodder Scam. And the current chief Ranjit Sinha, too, has admitted that autonomy does not exist for the agency.

Embarrassed by the stinging observations of the Supreme Court, the government has formed a group of ministers (GoM) to draft a law to free the caged parrot. One can’t help but be cynical considering the huge number of GoMs and EGoMs and their dismal record of delivering the goods.

An investigating agency that can function independent of political control is the need of the hour.

Unless the Aegean Stables of the CBI is not cleansed of the political filth accumulated over the decades, there is no hope for this country.

(This article was published as the editorial column in Postnoon on May 15, 2013.)

Stabbing the cause from the front

Closely after the Raising Day of the National Security Guard (NSG), several national dailies reported a rather disturbing story of discrimination of women. No. This time it’s not the male chauvinists, but the women leaders who have done their bit.

The NSG has raised a women’s division, given the same training as its men. However, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa and BSP supremo Mayawati have reportedly refused to be protected by these women commandos.

Ironically, both are often cited as examples of women power triumphing in a male-dominated society. Both had towering male mentors and overcame challenges to their authority and consolidated power. As party bosses whose MPs’ support decides the fate of the government, they are also symbols of well-earned power that inspires thousands of women across the country.

However, their refusal to trust the security cover provided by women commandos has damaged the very foundation of the call for equality of women in all professions. Mayawati and Jayalalithaa have indirectly hinted that they don’t consider women commandos as competent as their male counterparts.

Not only have these politicians insulted these brave soldiers, but also they have undermined their own competence to be in positions of power.

Now how can one say Jayalalithaa is as capable as the No 2 in the party or the ministry? How can she be trusted to handle the political and administrative leadership of a crucial southern state?

For Mayawati, the questions would be even more difficult. She is not just a political leader. She is also considered by many as a symbol of empowerment for Dalits (though her biggest project was self-glorification through statues, parks and memorials). How can the Dalit community put its trust in a party and its leader, whose competence is in question because of her gender?

Even worse is the predicament of the premier security agency, whose ‘black cats’ are the most reassuring sight for the VIPs. They have put together a squad of talented, committed and well-trained women. With the VIPs refusing their services and the government policy not permitting their deployment in counter-terrorism operations, they will be reduced to mere showpieces.

Any professional who has spent substantial time ‘on the bench’ will vouch for the crushing feeling of boredom and self-doubt. So, imagine the plight of these brilliant women who have been trained for the most risky field operations, but forced to stay put at their base.

We hear ridiculous comments that degrade women from obsolete institutions like khaps and fringe groups that call themselves moral police. And we attribute little significance to their takes due to their dubious backgrounds and illegal activities.

However, what Mayawati and Jayalalithaa have done is not something that can be ignored that easily. Both must apologise, and accept protection from women commandos.

(This article was published as the editorial column in Postnoon on October 17, 2012)

Racism is no match for our caste system

From prime minister to panwallah, all were ‘shocked’ at the gory incident in which a white supremacist gunned down six people at a Wisconsin gurdwara. The widespread anger was reflected in Hyderabad too where ‘peaceful’ protestors scuffled with policemen at the US Consulate (as if the US State Department provided the gunman weapons and ammunition).

While we are outraged at the racial discrimination faced by people of Indian origin across the world, there is hardly any enthusiasm in fighting the caste system that continues to rob hundreds of millions in this country of their life, liberty and dignity — ironically, guaranteed as Fundamental Rights by the Constitution.

Hundreds of young men and women fall victim to ‘honour killings’ every year (thousands go unreported or are hushed up by the well-connected families) because they dare to defy primitive caste kangaroo courts called khasi and choose their life partner. It was barely three months ago that an Uttar Pradesh DIG, Satish Kumar Mathur, was caught on camera asking a villager to kill the latter’s daughter if she was found to have eloped. And these are the men in uniform the judiciary expects to protect inter-caste and inter-faith couples from persecution and harm.

Then comes the inhuman practice of condemning hundreds of thousands of Dalits to the dignity-stripping job of manual scavenging. According to a 2011 ministry of social justice report, only 1,18,474 out of about 7.7 lakh (official figures) manual scavengers were given alternative professions under government schemes. Apart from social stigma, meagre wages, they fall victim to most virulent diseases and at times meet their ends in the ‘line of duty’.

Across the country millions are discriminated against in social life due to their caste. Entire communities are forced to live outside villages but are expected to serve the upper castes at their beck and call without questioning. Those who resist are suppressed with most brutal measures including murder and gang-rape of women of their families. Even if the victim/s mange to file a police complaint overcoming their fear, little chance do they have against the money, influence and top lawyers that their oppressors have. Eventually, destruction of lives and families is reduced to just another number in the ever-growing statistics.

In the land of modern social reformer ‘Periyar’ EV Ramasamy, two-tumbler system is still widely practiced. There are villages divided by ‘caste walls’ topped by barbed wire and lower caste people are not allowed to use public facilities and denied entry to temples.

Politicians support caste divisions to preserve their vote banks and fatten their wallets. Dalit ‘icon’ Mayawati’s opulent lifestyle and splurge of thousands of crores on statues and parks while people starved and farmers committed suicide would be a good example.

If the situation of Dalits can be termed bad, it is worse for the tribals. They are the first casualties when ‘development for greater common good’ takes place. Projects such as dams, power plants and Special Economic Zones that bring prosperity to the country are their worst enemies. Dispossessed and driven out of their ancestral lands, they end up in shanty towns and are brutally exploited in every possible manner by the rest.

Considering the colossal extent of our failure to function as a civilised society, we are standing on wafer-thin ground when we point fingers at ‘racism’.

(This article was published as the editorial column in Postnoon on August 8, 2012)

Let India, not Time, judge Manmohan

It was only a few days back that Time magazine had branded Prime Minister Manmohan Singh as an ‘underachiever’ on its cover. The grave fault the US magazine found with the economist PM was that he ‘refused to stick out his neck’ for the liberalisation reforms.
Well... The magazine is entitled to its opinions as it operates from a free country. We regret to tell you that majority of the 1.3 billion citizens of our country live on below $1 per day (Though according to Planning Commission that might be upscale lifestyle) and their priority is not exactly rolling out red carpet welcome to Wal-Mart and other global giants circling the Indian retail skies.
The BJP was quick to grab the new stick to beat the Centre with, but seems to be oblivious to the fact that the same magazine had described its stalwart and former prime minister Atal Behari Vajpayee as ‘asleep at wheel’ in 2002. The main Opposition party must not forget that it is not in the best of health and is yet to catch its breath after putting out fires in its Southern base Karnataka, where a local caste strongman got the national party on its knees.
The BJP constantly uses terms such as ‘weak, puppet, indecisive’ to describe Singh but forgets that the ‘strong’ NDA prime minister was comparatively less effectual. The Parivar campaign of going ‘swadeshi’ was the first casualty when the NDA government overtook the Congress in the road to liberalisation and selling off PSUs.
While in the Opposition, the BJP was always ranting about how it would strike at terrorist camps in Pakistan if elected to power. The much-touted nuclear tests failed to stop Kargil intrusions.
When terrorists attacked Indian Parliament, the government launched the biggest ever troop deployment to the Western border in Operation Parakram, but chickened out when generals on the other side of the border threatened to use nukes.
Terrorists continued to strike with impunity and the controversial anti-terror law Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act (POTA) was used mostly for political vendetta. But the biggest blot was the Gujarat riots of 2002. In a well-planned and methodical manner, thousands were butchered while the state machinery looked the other away or acted in complicity.
And for the regional outfits, caste parties and Mao-worshippers, they have all proven their hypocritical sides by diverging from declared policies and ideologies to retain power, fatten wallets and woo vote banks. Media is a vital constituent of democracy, but it is not the last word.
The Fourth Estate is not devoid of vested interests. Most media houses have business interests and this reflects in their analysis of news. In India, the most recent example was regarding the implementation of Wage Board recommendations for journalists.
The publishing houses, who are otherwise at each others’ throats, united in publishing story after story about a grand conspiracy to bleed the industry — and never implemented the recommendations. If Singh’s hands have been tied, it’s due to coalition compulsions.
When your government’s survival is dependent on people like Mayawati, Mamata Banerjee and Karunanidhi, the elbow room available is little.
 Despite all that, Singh has steered the country through economic doldrums in different capacities. He is free of corruption (though not the same can be said about his colleagues and allies), a gentleman and a statesman of international standing. He has never responded to vicious criticism by stooping to that level.
He might have several shortcomings, but is still the prime minister and the hope for this country to ride out of economic and political storms. And those baying for his blood must come up with credible alternatives (no, not the BJP).
Let Indian public, and not Time, be the judge of its prime minister.
(This article was published as the editorial column in Postnoon on July 11, 2012)

Is Priyanka the next Congress matriarch?

Priyanka Gandhi took political circles by surprise when she announced that she is willing to expand her role beyond the family-held constituency of Rae Bareli and assume more responsibilities, if asked to do so by the family and the party.
There has been a lot of uncertainty over who will call the shots in Congress in the absence of Sonia Gandhi — whose health and extent of recovery from a recent surgery is still under a cloud of secrecy.
Rahul Gandhi, projected by the Congress as the family scion and prime minister in waiting, is yet to progress beyond party strengthening and assume the role of a national leader.
His latest and much-hyped Bihar campaign to oust the Nitish Kumar government not only failed but failed at a grand scale resulting in total humiliation to the party.
Of late, there have been several voices questioning his effectiveness to deliver at the polling booth despite all the publicity advantage provided by hut-hopping and tirades against non-UPA state governments.
Post-independence, except brief spells, the Congress has always found refuge in woman leaders whenever faced with a crisis. Take a look at Priyanka’s photo in black and white and the resemblance to her grandmother is remarkable.
One can’t help but wonder if another woman, after Indira Gandhi and Sonia Gandhi, is about take the helm of India’s oldest party and ‘First Family’.
So far Priyanka has maintained a relatively low-key profile, appearing in public functions only during the time of elections. Everyone knows that she is married to prominent Delhi businessman Robert Vadra and has two children. Described by several media and political observers as a power-dresser, she carries off a t-shirt and cotton sari with equal élan.
Unknown to many is the information that she is also a Ham radio operator. Ours is a country where personal charisma is more effective in ensuring mass following than ability or willingness to govern — a factor that gives Priyanka a huge advantage that can offset her lack of experience in the hinterland politics.
Also adding to her advantage is the fact that about half of the electorate are women. Whether this combined thrust will propel her to the top office of the country is the question only a full-fledged national election battle can answer.
The Congress is in dire straits, rocked by mega scams and arm-twisting by allies. The party has also drawn flak from the industry for its ability to deliver on key policy initiatives. The only advantage is a divided Opposition, led by the BJP, who have no credible alternative to offer.
The saffron party recently shot itself in the foot by inducting Babusingh Kushwaha who was booted out by Mayawati over the NHRM scam. The party will find it tough to explain why Yeddyurappa’s nominee is ruling Karnataka and why it made peace with the Reddy brothers, all under a cloud of suspicion over multiple scams.
With Anna Hazare’s anti-graft movement fizzling out after a media overkill and parliamentary dead end, the Congress has no credible challenge to its status quo. However, in Uttar Pradesh, status quo means flash in the pan or the grass that gets trampled when the wrestler patriarch grapples with the pachyderm.
Rahul has had his chance for over a decade now and yet has fallen way short of expectations. Therefore, it’s only natural that other leaders and party members may rally around a new face. It is time for the Congress and the Gandhi khandan to take some tough and decisive measures.

(This article was published as the editorial column in Postnoon on January 20, 2012)