Every effort of embattled BJP chief Nitin Gadkari to wiggle
out of the Purti quagmire has backfired and the proverbial final nail on the
coffin was stuck by the I-T raids on the company stakeholders’ offices. As the
negative publicity brought by its appointee became too big to be pushed under
the carpet, even the all powerful RSS could not help him.
Rajnath Singh’s return could not be more spectacular. Gadkari’s term at the helm was a disaster. Revolt after revolt broke out in the party’s state units — its Karnataka situation is the worst scenario.
Rajnath Singh’s return could not be more spectacular. Gadkari’s term at the helm was a disaster. Revolt after revolt broke out in the party’s state units — its Karnataka situation is the worst scenario.
It was not long ago that the party’s national leadership was
forced to kneel down before the Bellary brothers and revoke all disciplinary
actions against them and their confidants. Late realisation of its mistake and
the subsequent tough posturing before BS Yeddyurappa have resulted in its sole
government in the south hanging to power by a wafer-thin majority. The Lingayat
strongman enjoys considerable support among the party’s cadres and has the
ability to spoil it for the saffron party.
And more than anyone else, one person stands to gain the
most — Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi.
Modi’s chance of being the party’s prime ministerial
candidate got a major boost with Gadkari out of the way. Modi and Gadkari had
clashed several times in the past with the pracharak CM skipping the party’s
national executive meetings in protest.
The harbinger of Gadkari’s dwindling elbow room was the May
conclave where the party body had to drop Modi-baiter and Gadkari loyalist
Sanjay Joshi.
With an outspoken Hindutva hawk like Rajnath Singh at the
helm of the party, Modi will look like a moderate (though he is anything but
one). Singh’s elevation also spares Modi of worries about strengthening the
party before laying siege to Delhi — the former has proven his mettle with
excellent organisational skills during his previous stints.
Modi has also greatly benefitted from Rahul Gandhi’s
elevation to the number two slot in the Congress. While junior’s tearjerker
speech might have sent the nation reaching for tissue paper boxes, the
‘anointment’ has effectively ruled out the possibility of any leader of calibre
rising to the top in near future.
Every time Rahul has tried to take on Modi politically, his
rhetoric failed to scratch Modi’s image, let alone dent it. Sonia’s last best
shot — maut ka saudagar (merchant of death) — boomeranged and Modi emerged
stronger than ever. The recent state elections underscored the Gujarat’s CM’s
upper hand in this unequal fight.
Modi’s success has been in forcing his most vehement critics
to come out with praise for him through good governance. Congress leaders,
civil society activists and even leading Muslim figures have turned fans.
With booming business opportunities in Gujarat proving to be
too lucrative to be ignored, most countries which blacklisted him in the wake
of 2002 riots have quietly backtracked, the UK being the latest to join this
list. In the US too, the number of voices calling for going soft on Modi is
increasing by the day.
Though kin of victims of 2002 massacres in Gujarat continue
to wage their legal battles, a series of clean chits by courts have boosted
Modi’s credentials.
Gadkari was a weight that was dragging the BJP down (no pun
intended), and freed of that, the main Opposition party is in a better position
to put its house in order and pose a credible challenge to the ruling combine
in the 2014 General Elections.
(This article was published as the editorial column in
Postnoon on January 23, 2013.)
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